Corruption in Tanzania: The Case for Circumstantial Evidence By ...

1.3. The Policy Response to Corruption

Given the spread of corruption in the country as documented in the Warioba Report, it became evidently clear that the government had to come up with a clear policy and a multifaceted strategy to combat the scourge of corruption in a holistic fashion.

In response to the Warioba Report, the government came up with NACSAP, which is a policy and strategy document that was conceived on 29–31 March 1999 at the Momela Lodge, Arusha. Its aim is to address the challenges posed by corruption holistically and to find the means to deal with it strategically, involving all stakeholders. The government brought together members of the private sector, the public sector, civil society, and the media, as well as professionals, academics, and development partners or donors,⁴³ to discuss and agree on policy considerations and coalition building in developing a national vision that would guide the fight against corruption in Tanzania. In November 1999, NACSAP received cabinet approval and was brought into operation in 2000.⁴⁴

NACSAP has identified four guiding principles for its implementation: (a) prevention, (b) enforcement and rule of law, (c) public awareness, and (d) institution building. The central theme of the present study is pegged on the enforcement and rule of law; therefore, we examine the efficacy and utility of circumstantial evidence. This theme is an important part of both the Poverty Reduction Strategy and NACSAP, as it is designed to concretise and support the efforts of the PCCB and the courts in order to reduce the levels of corruption in Tanzania and ensure that perpetrators realise that any indulgence in corruption is a high-risk undertaking; the utility of circumstantial evidence will be an effective tool to deter corruption, particularly the cooperation of the courts and law enforcement agencies.