| Chapter : | Introduction |
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respondents a “show of greatness” (Ferry, Transcript #5, p. 5, my translation) by emphasizing blood brotherhood and loyalty. In fact, the characters in “gangster” movies left such a deep impression on them that they formed gangs with other Chinese boys as they were growing up. The ‘imagined dreamland’ depicted by the Chinese media, specifically the kung fu films and series, also kept my respondents in awe of ancient Chinese dynasties, values, history, and tradition. Although they may have lived in far-flung areas such as West Kalimantan, Irian Jaya, and North Sumatra and had different religious and family backgrounds, they were brought together as an “imagined community”8 in their symbolic sharing of the same cultural values transmitted by the Chinese media.
In conclusion, I propose this study as the first step toward understanding the complicated process of identity (re)construction and (re)negotiation among Chinese Indonesians through the media. Thung (1998) argued that, basically, the construction of identity among the Chinese in Indonesia is dependent upon several power structures, namely Mainland China as the country of origin, the local government in the country of residence, and the global network of Chinese commercial activities. I would add the media to this list of power structures. As the findings of my study show, growing up in a restrictive media environment pushed my respondents to seek images of Chinese culture and people in the form of images imported from China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan—places that were simultaneously real and imagined. It is through their stories of media interaction that I discovered their longing for role models, security, and other aspects of Chinese culture. In this way, the media functioned as a “mobility multiplier”—allowing them to ‘experience’ a China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan without the need of physical travel (cf. Thompson, 1995, p. 189). Furthermore, I was able to investigate how the personal factors of religious affiliations, family