Chapter 1: | On the Margins |
This association comes from the Izala movement, “which proclaims the suppression of innovation and the restoration of the sunna, for a return to the original religion.”72 The French legacy in Niger promoted a tangible separation of the state and religion, whereas the British in Nigeria courted the religious leaders as political allies. Upon independence, Niger's leaders continued the French dissociative approach towards religion and the state and continued the state subordination of Islamic leaders and organizations. In Nigeria, Islam emerged as a political force in the north, and the Izala form particularly rejected any Islamic practices influenced by local cultures. However, in Niger, Islam continued its adaptive and “soft” nature that encouraged inclusiveness and local cultural practices.73 Clearly, some influence has occurred along the Niger-Nigerian border. But just as Western globalization is maligned and elicits a backlash, so may Islamic globalization. Mills asks, “Will there be a Chinua Achebe, lamenting the passing of the old ways in favor of the ‘enlightened’ new?”74 In short, radicalization is not definite for the future of Niger, but there are some danger signs. Probably the most significant aspect is the incessant force of globalization and how the state chooses to respond.
Is Terrorism a Threat?
It is difficult to determine the extent of international terrorism in Niger. There have been reports of the Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat (GSPC) planning attacks against Niger.75 Incidents have been rather isolated, and it is difficult to distinguish between banditry, smuggling, and terrorist activities. What is worrisome is that many foreign fighters in Iraq have been linked to North Africa. Just as the fight against the Soviets in Afghanistan internationalized the jihad in the 1980s, there could be a similar effect once these fighters return to their homes.76
What exactly is the GSPC? It is a faction of the Algerian Group Islamique Armé (GIA) and formed in 1998 after the GIA's very violent period between 1996 and 1997. The GSPC, led by Hassan Hattab, continues to fight against the Algerian state, and it is the only group that has operated across all of the Sahelian countries. Although the leaders of GSPC have pledged allegiance to Al-Qaeda, it is not clear that there is