| Chapter 2: | The Second Wave and Emily's List |
|
|
FECA provided a legal framework for interest groups to push their money into the political arena, thereby institutionalizing their existence. Though not mentioned explicitly in FECA, the law established clear rules for political action committees that sought to influence elections through financial contributions. PACs were barred from giving contributions (direct and in-kind) of more than $5,000 a year to a candidate or his or her committee, no more than $15,000 a year to the national parties, and no more than $5,000 a year to any other PAC.4 In addition to these monies, PACs had the ability to spend an unlimited amount of money on independent expenditures for or against candidates, as long as this spending was “not made in concert or cooperation with or at the request or suggestion of such candidate, the candidate's authorized political committee, or their agents, or a political party committee or its agents.”5
The 1974 amendments to FECA “guaranteed a place for PACs because their limit [to candidates] was five times that of an individual donor…[making them] the natural and legitimate vehicle for financial participation in campaigns by a wide array of American interest groups” (Sabato 1984, 9–10). Motivated to form PACs by the larger contribution limitations, by the chance for greater participation by members, or even at the “encouragement” of elected officials, the number of registered PACs grew from 722 in 1975 to 3,992 in 1985 and continued to rise.6
Souraf (1992) claimed that Federal Election Commission categorization of PACs, “…which began as categories growing out of regulatory imperatives have, surprisingly, become useful analytical categories, because from their legal and structural differences the various kinds of PACs have developed important organizational and behavioral differences” (102). Although all PACs “represent an effort through the accumulation of economic power to