Chapter 2: | Communication Overview |
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stance may be wrong. Klineberg (1940) and Birdwhistell (1970) both took a stance against universality in facial expression, arguing for the expectation of learned patterns of cultural behaviour. Ekman (1972) countered this by making a case for the cultural management of spontaneous expressions, for example, in Japanese culture, with the masking of muscular actions of disgust or fear by superimposing a smiling movement. Davidson and Malloch (2009, 565), in their performance research regarding bodily movements, had this to say in relation to intrinsic and cultural layers:
Within the performance arts, that ability to communicate through the face and body is highly cultivated in the skilled performer and is, plausibly, most sought after. It is generally agreed that the majority of people can spot a simulated smile, can sense voluntary control of the underlying musculature in a gesture or movement rather than the spontaneous generation of actions caused by true feelings. Runeson and Frykholm (1983), cited in Davidson (1993, 104), have demonstrated that the body sends out messages recognizable to an audience, even when they are complex and include covert detail:
The artiste who can imbue an interpretation with an emotional level of truth or who can portray, in theatrical terms, the essential core of a