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51. See Wixted, “‘Literary Sinitic’ and ‘Latin’ as Transregional Languages,” 8. Cf. Kornicki, “A Note on Sino-Japanese,” esp. 30–34.

52. See Elman, ed., Rethinking East Asian Languages, esp. Shang Wei’s “Writing and Speech: Rethinking the Issue of Vernaculars in Early Modern China,” 254–300.

53. For a provocative reflection on such terminology, see On-cho Ng, “The Epochal Concept of ‘Early Modernity’ and the Intellectual History of Late Imperial China,” Journal of World History 14, no. 1 (2003): 37–61.

54. See Kin Bunkyō 金文京, Kanbun to Higashi Ajia: Kundoku no bunkaken 漢文と東アジア: 訓読の文化圏 (Han texts in East Asia: The culture sphere of hybrid writing) (Tokyo: Iwanami Shoten, 2010).

55. For a revealing example of Sino-Vietnamese religious interactions, see Nguyen Thanh Phong 阮清風, Yuenan nanbu Baosheng Dadi Xinyang: Yi Anjiang sheng xinzhiou shi Baosheng Dadi miao wei li 越南南部保生大帝信仰: 以安江省新洲市保生大帝廟為例 (Belief in the Baosheng emperor in southern Vietnam: A case study of the Baosheng Dadi Temple in Xinzhou [Tân Châu] city, Anjiang [An Giang] province), https://twaren.​academia.​edu/​PhongNguyenThanh.​

56. For a rudimentary example, see Richard J. Smith, “Filial Piety in Comparative Perspective,” https://www.​slideshare.​net/​smithrj/​filial-​piety-​in-​comparative-​perspective.​

57. See Yuming He, “The Book and the Barbarian in Ming China and Beyond: The Luo chong lu, or ‘Record of Naked Creatures,’” Asia Major, 3rd series, 24, no. 1 (2011): 43–85, esp. 77. See also Marcia Yonemoto, Mapping Early Modern Japan: Space, Place, and Culture in the Tokugawa Period (1603–1868) (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003).

58. In Buddhism and Hinduism, dharani (Sanskrit: dhāraṇī) refers to a phrase, originally written in Sanskrit and summarizing a longer sacred text often used as a verbal talisman or an aid to concentration.