The Shaping of Popular Consent:  A Comparative Study of the Soviet Union and the United States 1929-1941
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The Shaping of Popular Consent: A Comparative Study of the Sovie ...

Chapter :  Introduction
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On 16 November, 1940, White House aid Ralph Block wrote to a colleague about the Hollywood for Roosevelt Committee46, a voluntary organisation of cultural producers who used all their knowledge of movie-making to campaign for the re-election of FDR. “The Hollywood Committee”, wrote Block, “was composed chiefly of amateurs. But they do not lack political sense.”47 In other words, Block, a seasoned political campaigner, recognised that a career in cultural production had given these filmmakers an understanding of political issues and an expert ability to communicate them (not to mention a desire to do so). Ian Scott has underlined the point. “…Politics has always played”, he wrote, “and Hollywood came along to enhance a game of spectacle and idealisation. Hollywood reflects and encourages the kind of mythmaking that American politics itself has constantly engaged in.”48 Even if all films are not political, Scott continues, “they are all ideological”.49

So far as the visual arts are concerned, I have approached them as a vitally important sub-section of the larger epistemological field of culture. The epistemological value of culture lies in its ability to provide a bridge, or at least a potential convergence, between two divergent approaches to the study of history. Ronald Suny, a leading historian of the Soviet Union, explained lucidly what we may call, in a historiographical sense, this cultural convergence. “The problem for us in the future”, he wrote,

may be less the psychoanalysis of great figures in history or the search for objective social and political interests than the deep investigation of the construction of meanings and identities. Culture, political and ethnographic, language, identities and representations must be respected as irreducible variables. Social historians convincingly demonstrated decades ago that personality/political explanations leave too much out and explain too little. Their critics, in turn, countered that social history was frequently insufficiently attentive to politics and ideology.50