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While ethnic minorities may prefer to live within concentrations of their own groups for reasons of social support and shared linguistic, cultural and religious traditions (see Peach, 1979, 1998; Robinson, 1986), others may be excluded from certain places by their economic position, lack of information about housing opportunities, and discrimination or perceived discrimination (see Rex & Moore, 1967). That is to say, ethnic residential segregation is an important dimension in the study of immigrant integration.
Research Questions
Social geographers have an important mission in studying the social consequences of spatial structure. We are interested to see how spatial structures reflect their surrounding demographic, socioeconomic, and cultural backgrounds. This analysis adds to the literature and debate on ethnic minority integration by providing a comprehensive picture of many aspects of Chinese immigration and settlement in Britain today and over the last 25 years. More specifically, the discussion in this study is organised to address the following principal research questions. First, what are the demographic and socioeconomic characteristics of the Chinese, and how do they manifest geographically across British space as a way of response to the changing emigration and immigration contexts? Second, to what extent, and how, do Chinatowns and other forms of Chinese settlement reflect these changes in Chinese immigration? In response to the research questions, five different aspects are discussed: (1) emigration and immigration contexts, (2) Chinatown development, (3) spatial structure and change, (4) residential mobility, and (5) subethnic settlement patterns.
Defining “Chinese” and “Chinatown”
Before my discussion continues, two important concepts require clarification. Firstly, there is a question concerning what is an appropriate term for the Chinese minority in Britain without misinterpreting its members in some way.