The Creole Elite and the Rise of Angolan Proto-Nationalism, 1870–1920
Powered By Xquantum

The Creole Elite and the Rise of Angolan Proto-Nationalism, 1870– ...

Chapter 1:  Cherished Myths
Read
image Next

This is a limited free preview of this book. Please buy full access.


These are the main causes obstructing Christian civilization in this country: impossibility to communicate with the natives, lack of missionary zeal and scarce support from local authorities. Since missionaries lack the resources to organise expeditions and visit their missions, their zone of influence is limited to the place where they reside. The support received hardly covered sporadic and quick travels inland; baptised natives, not conveniently instructed, instead of dropping their customs keep on behaving like authentic savages. This situation is the same in the entire province.5

These words are confirmed by Governor-General Ferreira do Amaral in his report about the state of the province in 1882 and 1883:

In Angola there are no parishes or parsons! I say there are no parishes because you cannot call a parish what in Ambaca, for instance, serves a council that is bigger than three or four continental Portugal provinces; and there are no parsons because this name is not deserved by a missionary serving at Mass in a downfallen and rotten chapel for the benefit of a sacristan—usually his personal servant—a few pupils of his primary school, ruined walls and eaten away images.6

This perspective is a consequence of the fact that, beyond obvious material limits, from the liberal revolutions to the implantation of the New State (Estado Novo), the Portuguese Catholic Church had been frequently persecuted and almost outlawed at home and abroad, first by republican-style Freemasonry and later by fascist-style nationalism. The great majority of the Catholic missionary effort in Angola came from France, Italy, Spain, Germany, and elsewhere, and did not come from Portugal; even if the “secular” clergy that served white parishes and came from Portugal was supportive of the imperial design, the “regular” clergy composed by sons of the country and foreigners was as ambivalent about much of Portugal’s colonising activity, as any of the Protestant groups were often perceived as subversive by colonial authorities.7 It was not until 1940 that Salazar’s corporative state was able to agree a concordat with the Vatican, which preserved Lusitanian patriotism while at the same time accommodating the demands of the Catholic Church.8 Only after this agreement did Salazarist imperial propaganda resume the exaltation of Portugal’s universalistic mission, praising the Christian and humanitarian nature of Portuguese imperialism, in contrast with other forms of greedy imperialism.9