Challenges to Civil Society: Popular Protest & Governance in Jamaica
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I effectively entered the informants’ world, and through ongoing interactions, I solicited their “perspectives and meanings” (Bryman, p. 52; Creswell, 1994, p. 161; Flick, 1998) on the ways in which they express their discontent about social problems, why they elect to conduct their politics the way they do, and their reflexive feelings about those actions. This task logically begged for an approach which took into account the subjective meanings for the actors who are involved in generating, living through, and experiencing social protests as well as the social structures which condition and are constituted by such meanings.

Sampling Considerations

Although the research site (Jamaica) is carefully delineated, the population of interest in this study was still fairly diverse. The sample that I used represents a broad spectrum of Jamaican citizens at all levels of the society (from the state level to civil society). The participants were grouped in the following distinct categories.

Sample of Interviewees2

    “Informal” People—unemployed or self-employed people, taxi drivers, political activists/followers, students, vendors, hustlers, farmers, shopkeepers, gangsters
    Community/Civil Groups—church leaders/members, human rights activists, youth group members
    Professionals (Employed Sector)—lawyers, public relations executives, graphic artists, urban planners, teachers/university lecturers, police officers, security guards
    Political Officials—cabinet ministers (ministers of justice), members of parliament, heads of political party affiliate groups
    Media Practitioners—news editors, reporters, talk-show hosts (radio and television), commentators, radio disc jockeys and announcers (male and female, older and younger)