| Chapter 1: | Introduction |
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This notion regarding who within these groups (Latino and Asian Americans) may see themselves or be seen as White is dependent on many factors other than generational status (socioeconomic class, phenotype, social context, etc.). Some of these factors will be highlighted in this work and will be discussed in more depth later in this discussion.
As previously noted, the United States from its inception has been a country primarily of immigrants (Handlin, 1951; Portes & Rumbaut, 1996). As such, the American milieu provides a natural experimental setting for studying the development of ethnic-specific identity due to this constant incorporation of newer racial and/or ethnic-specific groups and cultures seeking a range of opportunities not offered in their home countries. For communities with a relatively recent history in the United States, such as the majority of Asian Americans who came to this country post-1965, the development of an ethnic-specific identity includes a negotiation of the immigration process. That is, in addition to the values and beliefs individuals bring from the home country (in the case of first generation/newer immigrants) or learn from family and other same-ethnic group members (in the case of second and subsequent generations), they are also learning how to define themselves with regard to social group membership(s) in a larger racial- (Asian American) and/or ethnic-specific (e.g., Thai, Pakistani) group in United States society.
Psychologists, in particular, have taken an interest in understanding how racial and ethnic-specific minority group members have negotiated their place within society based on the different social identities they hold (Cross, 1971, 1991; Gurin & Townsend, 1986; Helms, 1994). As such, the field of psychology has witnessed a recent surge in the study of racial and ethnic-specific identity among populations of color in the United States.